The Role and Impact of School Resource Officers

A Brief Discussion

By Jessica Welburn Paige, Shawn D. Bushway

November 25, 2024

The number of school resource officers (SROs) has increased substantially in recent years. During the 2019–2020 school year, 65 percent of U.S. public schools reported having a security staff member present at least once a week; middle schools and high schools reported having the highest concentration of security staff. This was up from less than half (42.8 percent) of U.S. public schools reporting having a security staff member present a decade earlier, during the 2009–2010 school year (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], undated).^[1] Proponents of SROs argue that they play a crucial role in improving school safety. However, critics argue that SROs' presence in schools contributes to high rates of disciplinary actions by school administration and referrals to the juvenile justice system. The high rate of disciplinary actions by SROs is frequently discussed when examining the school-to-prison pipeline. In addition, critics argue that SROs have a disproportionately negative impact on students of color, contributing to persistent racial disparities in school discipline and criminalization of students. This brief paper explores the role of SROs and the impact of SROs on school safety and discipline. We review relevant literature in this area and find that, while the number of SROs in schools has increased since 2009, research shows their role can vary across schools. In addition, while SRO presence is associated with increased detection of some disruptive behavior, such as weapons and drug possession, and a decrease in violence, existing research shows that SROs' presence is also often associated with increased disciplinary action and law enforcement referrals. In addition, research shows that students of color—particularly Black students—can be disproportionately negatively affected.

School Resource Officers in U.S. Schools

History of SROs

The National Association of School Resource Officers defines an SRO as

a carefully selected, specifically trained, and properly equipped law enforcement officer with sworn authority, trained in school-based law enforcement and crisis response and assigned by an employing law enforcement agency to work collaboratively with one or more schools using community-oriented policing concepts. (National Association of School Resource Officers, undated)

Job responsibilities for SROs vary and can include enforcing school rules and regulations, teaching courses, and providing mentoring and counseling to students (Sawchuk, 2021).

The use of SROs in U.S. schools originated in Flint, Michigan, in the 1950s (Lynch, Gainey, and Chappell, 2016; McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman, 2016; Merkwae, 2015; Weiler and Cray, 2011). Flint Public Schools and the Flint Police Department partnered to launch the Police School Liaison program in response to the public perception of rising crime rates and rising juvenile delinquency rates (Almanza, Mason, and Melde, 2021). However, the number of SROs in schools across the country did not increase significantly until the 1990s. The increase has been attributed to public concerns about rising crime rates and school shootings, combined with increased availability of federal funding for police in schools (Almanza, Mason, and Melde, 2021; Lynch, Gainey, and Chappell, 2016; McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman, 2016; Merkwae, 2015). Merkwae (2015) points to the 1994 Gun Free Schools Act as a significant turning point that contributed to the rise in the use of SROs. This act led to more-stringent disciplinary policies and the increased use of SROs to enforce these policies.

In 1994, the Public Safety Partnership and Community Policing Act also established the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS). COPS is

the component of the U.S. Department of Justice responsible for advancing the practice of community policing by the nation's state, local, territorial, and tribal law enforcement agencies through information and grant resources (COPS, undated-a).

COPS's work includes helping to establish and implement school policing programs. In 1999, COPS started the COPS for Schools grant program, which was designed to provide for the hiring and training of SROs (McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman, 2016). COPS awarded $750 million to local police departments between 1999 and 2008 to hire and train SROs and provide them with technical assistance, drastically increasing their presence in schools (Merkwae, 2015). COPS continues to provide funding for SROs through the COPS Hiring Program.^[2]

Presence of SROs Today

During the 2019–2020 school year, 65 percent of U.S. public schools reported having a security staff member (which includes SROs) present at least once a week; middle schools and high schools reported having the highest concentrations of security staff. This was up from less than half (42.8 percent) of U.S. public schools reporting having a security staff member present a decade earlier, during the 2009–2010 school year (NCES, undated).^[3]

Using data from the 2019 Survey of Law Enforcement Personnel in Schools, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Davis, 2022) found that in September 2019, there were 24,900 SROs employed by 5,500 law enforcement agencies working in schools across the United States.^[4] This includes sworn police officers employed by local police offices, sheriff's offices, and school district police offices. The majority of SROs (78.6 percent) were funded by school districts, 10.2 percent were funded by state or local grants or taxes, and 4.3 percent were funded by federal grants. The majority (74.6 percent) were assigned to one school permanently, while 25.4 percent had rotating assignments. Most SROs were men (81.4 percent), and 18.6 percent were women. In addition, 78.1 percent identified as White, 17.0 percent identified as Black, 13.0 percent identified as Hispanic or Latino, and 1.7 percent identified as "other."

As shown in Table 1, data from NCES indicate that during the 2019–2020 school year, security staff (see Notes section for a definition) were present in most schools regardless of the type of community in which the school was located. In addition, security staff were present in more than 60 percent of schools regardless of racial composition of the student body, although about 3 percent more of schools that had 76 percent or more minority students reported having security staff present than schools with between 0 and 25 percent minority students. In addition, more than 60 percent of schools reported having security staff present, regardless of the number of students receiving free and reduced-price lunch. However, there was some variation by student socioeconomic background—61.7 percent of schools with 0 to 25 percent of students receiving free or reduced-price lunch reported having security staff present, compared with 67.3 percent of schools with 76 percent or more students receiving free or reduced-price lunch.

Table 1. Characteristics of Schools with Security Staff Present at Least One Day a Week, 2019–2020 School Year

School Characteristics	Percentage of Schools with One or More Security Staff Present at Least Once a Week
School community type
City	64.8
Suburban	67.8
Town	63.2
Rural	62.6
Percentage minority enrollment
0–25	64.4
26–50	62.3
51–75	65.4
76–100	67.6
Percentage of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch
0–25	61.7
26–50	61.8
51–75	67.7
76–100	67.3

SOURCES: Uses data from the NCES School Survey on Crime and Safety for multiple years, the Fast Response Survey System School Safety and Discipline survey from 2014, and the Common Core of Data Public Elementary/Secondary School Universe survey for 2013–2014.

Views About SROs

Proponents of SROs argue that they can significantly improve school safety (Na and Gottfredson, 2013). This includes helping to prevent school shootings. For example, in 2013, following the mass shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, the Obama administration advocated for an increase in SROs as part of its Plan to Reduce Gun Violence. The administration argued that SROs are necessary because

School resource officers, or SROs, are members of the law enforcement community who teach, counsel, and protect the school community. When SROs are integrated into a school system, the benefits go beyond reduced violence in schools. The officers often build relationships with students while serving as a resource to students, teachers, and administrators to help solve problems (White House, 2013).

Federal, state, and local governments continue to offer considerable funding for SROs. For example, for the 2023 fiscal year, the COPS Hiring Program distributed approximately $224.5 million in grant funding to communities across the country. The funds can be issued to hire law enforcement officers, including SROs, to improve community policing (COPS, undated-b).

Critics of SROs argue that SROs can contribute to a greater number of disciplinary actions being taken against students—particularly students of color (Counts et al., 2018; Lynch, Gainey, and Chappell, 2016; Merkwae, 2015; Pentek and Eisenberg, 2018).^[5] This is particularly problematic because data consistently show that students of color are more likely to face a range of disciplinary actions in school, regardless of whether an SRO is present.

Table 2 sheds light on racial disparities in disciplinary actions taken against kindergarten through grade 12 (K–12) students attending public school during the 2017–2018 school year. The data show that Black and American Indian or Alaska Native students and students who identify as two or more races experienced school discipline at disproportionately high rates—meaning that such students made up a greater percentage of students experiencing school discipline than they did the overall population of public school students. For example, while Black students made up 15.1 percent of the total public school population, they made up 31.4 percent of students who received one or more in-school suspensions, 38.2 percent of students who received one or more out-of-school suspensions, 38.8 percent of students who were expelled with educational services, and 33.3 percent of students who were expelled without educational services. In addition, Black students made up 28.7 percent of school law enforcement referrals and 31.6 percent of school-related arrests. It is also interesting to note that Hispanic and Latino students are actually underrepresented in school disciplinary events.

Table 2. Racial Disparities in School Discipline for K–12 Public School Students, 2017–2018 School Year

	American Indian or Alaska Native	Asian	Hispanic or Latino of Any Race	Black or African American	White	Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander	Two or More Races
Total percentage of public school students	1.0	5.2	27.2	15.1	47.3	0.4	3.8
One or more in-school suspensions	1.3	1.1	23.2	31.4	38.8	0.2	4.0
One or more out-of-school suspensions	1.4	1.1	21.7	38.2	32.9	0.4	4.3
Expulsions with educational services	1.1	0.8	22.1	38.8	33.4	0.2	3.6
Expulsions without educational services	1.8	0.9	18.6	33.3	40.5	0.3	4.6
Referred to law enforcement	1.7	1.6	25.7	28.7	37.8	0.4	4.1
School-related arrest	1.6	1.2	26.4	31.6	34.3	0.9	3.8

SOURCE: Uses data from the U.S. Department of Justice, Office for Civil Rights, undated.

Data also show gender disparities. For example, during the 2017–2018 school year, Black boys made up 7.7 percent of all public school students. However, they made up 29.1 percent of students who received one or more in-school suspensions, 35.4 percent of students who received one or more out-of-school suspensions, 36.8 percent of students who were expelled with educational services, and 31.4 percent of students who were expelled without educational services. Additionally, Black boys made up 27 percent of law enforcement referrals and 29.7 percent of school-related arrests (U.S. Department of Justice, Office for Civil Rights, undated).

While there are several factors that can affect why and how students are disciplined at school, studies consistently show that racial bias plays a role (Okonofua and Eberhardt, 2015; Riddle and Sinclair, 2019). For example, Riddle and Sinclair (2019) found that county-level racial bias is associated with racial disparities in school disciplinary actions taken against students. They link geographically coded data from Project Implicit to data on school discipline for K–12 public school students from the U.S. Department of Education's Civil Rights Data Collection.^[6] Findings show that in-school suspensions, out-of-school suspensions, expulsions, law enforcement referrals, and arrest rates for Black and White students are correlated with county-level racial bias. Counties that show higher levels of implicit and explicit racial bias in Project Implicit data have greater racial disparities in school disciplinary actions.

In another study, Okonofua and Eberhardt (2015) found that racial stereotypes can shape how teachers discipline students. They conducted two experiments to examine how race of students may affect teacher disciplinary actions.^[7] In the first experiment, they found that teachers had more-severe responses to students with "Black" names after the first infraction on such students' records. In addition, these teachers were more likely to label these students as troublemakers. In the second experiment, the authors found that teachers were more likely to believe infractions by students with "Black" names were part of a behavioral pattern than for students with "White" names.

While these studies do not focus explicitly on SROs, they do provide insight into the potential for racial bias in school disciplinary actions, which SROs can play roles in shaping. It is also important to note that racial disparities in school discipline can, in turn, fuel the school-to-prison pipeline for students of color (Couvson, 2016). The American Civil Liberties Union (undated) defines the school-to-prison pipeline as "educational and public safety policies that push students into the criminal legal system." The organization argues,

Schools send students into the pipeline through zero-tolerance disciplinary policies, which involve the police in minor misbehavior and often lead to arrests and juvenile detention referrals. This can result in criminal charges and incarceration. Schools also indirectly push students into the pipeline through suspension, expulsion, discouragement, and even high-stakes testing requirements. (American Civil Liberties Union, undated)

Research indicates that there is reason to be concerned about the connection between school discipline and criminal justice system involvement. For example, Bacher-Hicks, Billings, and Deming (2019) find that school discipline can have a statistically significant impact on an individual's involvement with the criminal justice system as an adult. They used data from the Charlotte Mecklenberg schools to track 26,264 students from the 1998–1999 school year through the 2010–2011 school year.^[8] They found that students who attend schools with higher suspension rates are statistically more likely to be arrested as adults and are more likely to be incarcerated as adults. The authors also found larger negative effects for males and racial minorities.

Thus, critics of SROs argue that their presence in schools is particularly problematic because it can lead to more disciplinary actions—including arrests and police referrals—being taken against students, which can, in turn, be linked to the criminalization of students. Critics also argue that SROs' presence can fuel existing racial disparities by contributing to a disproportionately high number of disciplinary actions being taken against students of color (Paterson, 2022; Petteruti, 2011; Whitaker et al., 2021).

It is also important to consider the necessity of SROs in the context of declining levels of school violence. Data in Tables 3 and 4 show declines in nonviolent and violent school crimes between 1992 and 2021.

Table 3. Nonfatal Crimes in Schools 1992, 2002, 2012, and 2022, Victimization Rate per 1,000 Students

	Victimization Rate
	1992	2002	2012	2022
Total nonfatal victimizations	181.5	75.4	52.4	21.7
Nonfatal theft	113.6	39.4	23.6	6.1
Nonfatal violent crime	67.9	36.0	28.8	15.6

SOURCE: Uses data from the U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, National Crime Victimization Survey, for 1992, 2002, 2012, and 2022.

NOTE: Includes students ages 12–18.

It is possible that declines could be connected to the rise in SRO presence on school campuses. However, for some critics, these trends further contribute to concerns about the continued need for SROs (see Petteruti, 2011; Whitaker et al., 2021).

What Do Data Show About the Impact of School Resource Officers?

It is important to explore what the data show about SROs, including their job responsibilities, their impacts on school safety, and the extent to which their presence affects discipline and the criminalization of students (particularly students of color).

Table 4. School-Associated Violent Deaths of Youth Ages 5–18

	1992–1993	2002–2003	2012–2013	2020–2021
Homicides at school	34	18	31	11
Suicides at school	6	10	6	6

SOURCE: Uses data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, School-Associated Violent Death Surveillance System, data for 1992–2019; Digest of Education Statistics, 2024.

NOTE: Includes students ages 5–18.

The Role of SROs

Federal statute establishes a broad set of criteria and responsibilities for SROs (34 U.S.C. § 10389). This statute states that an SRO is

a career law enforcement officer, with sworn authority, deployed in community-oriented policing, and assigned by the employing police department or agency to work in collaboration with schools and community-based organizations—

(A) To address crime and disorder problems, gangs, and drug activities affecting or occurring in or around an elementary or secondary school;

(B) To develop or expand crime prevention efforts for students;

(C) To educate likely school-age victims in crime prevention and safety;

(D) To develop or expand community justice initiatives for students;

(E) To train students in conflict resolution, restorative justice, and crime awareness;

(F) To assist in the identification of physical changes to the environment that may reduce crime in or around the school; and

(G) To assist in developing school policy that addresses crime and to recommend procedural changes.

The U.S. Department of Justice COPS program recommends that training for SROs cover such topics as "youth development, problem-solving and mentoring, positive behavior interventions, and emergency management" (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2019). The program's 2022 Guiding Principles for School Resource Officer Programs provides detailed suggestions for SRO hiring, training, and job responsibilities (COPS, 2022).

However, despite general guidelines established by federal statute and by COPS, there are no set national standards regarding the job responsibilities of SROs.^[9] Most regulation is left to states and local districts. As a result, there is considerable variation in the roles and responsibilities of SROs in districts across the country (Counts et al., 2018). For example, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (Davis, 2022) found that SROs report engaging in a variety of activities:

"patrolling of school facilities" (94.0 percent)
"responding to calls for service on the school campus" (95.5 percent)
"responding to incidents in the classroom" (91.0 percent)
"issuing criminal citations" (88.4 percent)
"making arrests" (93.5 percent)
"security audits/assessments of campuses" (75.4 percent)
crisis preparedness and planning (75.3 percent)
"social media monitoring" (49.5 percent).

Ryan et al. (2018) found that most SROs engage in law enforcement activities, but some may have additional responsibilities. For example, some SROs may teach programs, such as DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) and GREAT (Gang Resistance Education and Training), provide driving under the influence awareness training, and mentor students.

McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman (2016) interviewed 26 school-based law enforcement (SBLE) officers in Texas about their job responsibilities.^[10] When SBLE officers were asked about the job responsibilities that they perform, the authors identified some variation. The majority (77 percent) of officers said that "law enforcer" was part of their job. In addition, 46 percent said their job includes being a "mentor role model," 38 percent said they served as educators, and 35 percent said they served as a "surrogate parent." The authors also found some variation in the daily job responsibilities officers reported that they actually performed versus what they felt their job responsibilities should include. When asked what their jobs should include, 69 percent of SBLE officers felt their jobs should include law enforcement, 54 percent felt their jobs should include being a mentor or role model, 23 percent thought their jobs should include being a social worker, and 19 percent felt their jobs should include being an educator.

McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman (2016) also found variation in who made decisions about the job responsibilities of SBLE officers. The majority of SBLE officers (65 percent) said that their job responsibilities were decided through collaboration between school administration and police. However, 13 percent said their job responsibilities were decided by their local chief of police, and 9 percent reported that their job responsibilities were at their discretion.

Curran et al. (2019) examined SRO involvement in school discipline. They conducted in-depth interviews and focus groups with 104 SROs, school administrators, teachers, parents, students, school district leaders, and law enforcement leaders about school discipline and the role of SROs in two adjacent suburban school districts in the southeastern United States. Both districts had SROs in their elementary schools, middle schools, and high schools. Most of the SROs interviewed (79 percent) said they were not a part of everyday school discipline issues and did not feel these issues were part of their job as law enforcement officers.

However, interview discussions revealed considerable variation in actual involvement in school disciplinary issues. The authors found that SROs were involved in a variety of disciplinary activities, such as having conversations about behavioral issues with students who violated school policies, verbally reprimanding students, talking with classes about appropriate behavior, and being physically present in disciplinary situations. The authors also found that SROs' involvement in school discipline was shaped by several additional factors, including the individual SRO's personal beliefs about discipline and their relationship with school staff. In addition, SRO involvement was shaped by school type—SROs were less involved in discipline in elementary schools and more involved in middle schools and high schools. SROs were also more likely to become involved in discipline if they perceived a school to have more disciplinary problems.

There is also evidence to suggest that the job responsibilities of SROs may vary by school context (Fisher et al., 2022; Lynch, Gainey, and Chappell, 2016). For example, Lynch, Gainey, and Chappell (2016) used the School Survey on Crime and Safety to explore the role of SROs in schools. They found that overall, SROs have a variety of responsibilities that the authors divide into two categories: "law enforcement-related functions" and "education functions." Law enforcement–related functions include "maintaining school discipline," "coordination with local police," and "security enforcement and patrol." Education-related functions include "teaching and training, school staff," "mentoring students," and "teaching and training students." However, the authors also found that SROs in schools with greater levels of social and educational disadvantage perform more law enforcement–related duties than SROs in schools with lower levels of social and educational disadvantage.^[11] These findings suggest that context may shape the extent to which SROs engage in disciplinary activities, and that students in environments with higher levels of disadvantage may have different experiences with SROs than students in environments with lower levels of disadvantage.

Fisher et al. (2022) found that school context may also affect SROs' perceptions of threats. Drawing on 73 qualitative interviews, the authors found that SROs' perceptions of threats can vary by school racial composition. Specifically, SROs working in predominantly White schools expressed more concern about external threats, such as outside intruders. In contrast, SROs working in predominantly Black schools were more concerned about internal threats, meaning the students themselves. Findings suggest that SROs may approach their jobs differently depending on the racial composition of the school. This could have a substantial effect on students' experiences with SROs, including how and when students face disciplinary action.

Some critics argue that this range and variation of activities undertaken by SROs can contribute to problems with their presence in schools. Counts et al. (2018) emphasize that the lack of unified, enforced standards governing the hiring and responsibilities of SROs means that monitoring and accountability can be challenging. Local districts generally have considerable discretion in ensuring that SROs follow standards of contact and tracking any patterns of inequality, such as disproportionate minority contact.

School Resource Officers, School Safety, Discipline, and Disproportionate Minority Contact

Perceptions of School Safety

Some research has shown that SRO presence may have a positive impact on perceptions of school safety for students, teachers, and administrators (Brown, 2005; May, Fessel, and Means, 2004; Theriot, 2016; Wood and Hampton, 2021). For example, Brown (2005) surveyed 230 high school students about their perceptions of SROs and school safety. He found that the majority of students (68.4 percent) felt that SROs help keep their school safe. Wood and Hampton (2021) explored the impact of SRO presence on teachers' perceptions of school safety. They surveyed 3,970 teachers in a Midwestern U.S. state about school safety and found that teachers at schools with SROs generally have more-positive feelings about school safety than those at schools without SROs.^[12] For example, teachers at schools with SROs were more likely to agree with the statements "I feel there is adequate safety and security at my school" and "I feel physically safe at my school."

Research has shown that SRO presence may have a positive impact on perceptions of school safety for students, teachers, and administrators.

However, it is important to note that improved perceptions of school safety do not necessarily mean that SRO presence makes students' school experiences more positive in general. For example, Theriot (2016) surveyed 1,126 middle school students about their perceptions of SROs. He specifically explored how students' interactions with SROs shape their feelings about them and whether interactions with SROs affect students' levels of school connectedness.^[13] He found that overall, students who have more interactions with SROs have more-positive attitudes about SROs. However, he also found that students who have more interactions with SROs experience lower levels of school connectedness—which included measures of school pride, sense of belonging, and work ethic. While the survey findings did not reveal why students' school connectedness might be negatively affected by interacting with SROs, Theriot hypothesizes that the finding could be the result of two issues. First, "the presence and activities of SROs at school might draw more attention to crime, generate worry or fear about violence among students, and contribute to their feeling less connected and comfortable at school" (p. 461). Second, students' level of connectedness may be negatively affected by students "observing SROs discipline classmates or make arrests" (p. 461).

School Safety

There have been two recent meta-analyses of school violence and SROs that concluded that SROs do not reduce violence (Turanovic et al., 2019; Fisher et al., 2023). The first is a larger study of factors that affect school victimization and violent behavior at school. This study concluded that SROs had "virtually no association with any form of violence or victimization at school" (Turanovic et al., 2019). This study had a number of important limitations. The study combined security guards and SROs and did not distinguish between studies of schools and studies of students. The authors' conclusion about victimization is based on four studies, and despite the conclusion, the results in Table 4 show a confidence interval that is negative and does not include 0, indicating an improvement in school safety.

Turanovic et al.'s analysis on violent behavior is based on 69 studies. Most of these studies use disciplinary acts, such as suspensions, as a measure of behavior. Yet SROs can affect both the behavior of the students and the school's response to that behavior. Both are important, but they need to be studied separately. Conclusions about student behavior based on disciplinary actions, such as the number of suspensions, are fundamentally flawed (Sorensen et al., 2023).

The second meta-analysis (Fisher et al., 2023) focuses more narrowly on SROs, and the authors report results separately for schools and students. They conclude that the use of police in schools has "no detectable improvements to school crime or violence" and is "an ineffective practice for keeping schools safe" (Fisher et al., 2023). However, a closer look reveals that this conclusion is overly broad; unlike the results for school disciplinary outcomes, the authors' meta-analytic results for school safety measures showed large amounts of heterogeneity between studies, meaning that the null effect is the result of averaging effects that are both negative and positive. In their conclusion, they concede that the quality of evidence is weak and that many of the "studies included here do not have sufficient methodological rigor to permit strong causal inferences. As such, the findings presented here should be interpreted as correlational rather than causal" (Fisher et al., 2023). The authors go on to encourage more-rigorous studies with more causal designs, naming several studies that show either clear effects of increased safety (Owens, 2017) or the results of increased detection of weapons and drugs (Gottfredson et al., 2020). One study with similarly rigorous methods that showed a causal effect leading to reduced violence was included in Fisher et al.'s study but was not mentioned in their conclusion (Sorensen, Shen, and Bushway, 2021), and a second study was acknowledged as rigorous but was not included due to its more recent release. That study also showed a negative relationship between the use of SROs and rates of violence (Sorensen et al., 2023).

Owens (2017) found evidence that SROs may reduce "disruptive criminal incidents" in schools. She examined the impact of COPS in Schools (CIS) grants on school safety, crimes, and arrests.^[14] Findings showed that CIS grants are associated with a decrease in "the rate at which law enforcement is contacted about most school problems that do occur." In addition, CIS funding was associated with an increase in "officially recorded violent, drug and weapons crimes taking place in schools." This suggests that SRO presence may be associated with detection and reporting of criminal activity at schools. This may be because SRO presence improves a school's ability to identify and intervene in these situations. Alternatively, findings could indicate an increase in the criminalization of behavior at schools when SROs are present.

Sorensen, Shen, and Bushway (2021) also examined the impact of SROs' presence on school safety. Using a combination of datasets and methods, they focused specifically on the impact of SROs in middle schools in North Carolina. They found that SRO presence leads to a reduction in the number of reported incidents of "serious violent behavior" in middle schools in the sample. SRO presence had no impact on weapon, drug, or alcohol offenses.

Sorensen et al. (2023) found similar results using national data from the 2013–2014 and 2017–2018 waves of the U.S. Department of Education's Civil Rights Data Collection to examine the impact of SROs in 94,918 schools. They found that SRO presence was linked to a 150-percent increase in reported firearm offenses compared with the average, which the authors argue may be an indicator that SROs lead to a higher level of firearm detection. In addition, schools with SROs experience 30 percent fewer nonfirearm-related violent incidents than average, including fights and threats. The authors also found that even a national study could not credibly examine the impact of SROs on school shootings because of the rarity of that outcome. As a result, there is no evidence about whether SROs prevent the types of mass shootings that often lead to the placement of SROs in school.

The existence of these rigorous studies that show positive effects raises serious questions about summary documents, such as McKenna and Petrosino's (2022) report to Congress that concluded that "the research conducted to this point has not evidenced positive results" (p. 73). This is simply not true: A conclusion that says that research has not evidenced consistently positive results would be more accurate. As the cited meta-analysis makes very clear, there is substantial heterogeneity across studies. Moreover, it is not clear why we should rely on meta-analyses that continue to give equal weight to weaker, correlational studies when rigorous studies using national data are available.

A final comment on the aforementioned meta-analyses: They do not grapple with the fact that SROs might reasonably lead to an increase in certain types of reported behavior. For example, Gottfredson et al. (2020) showed that schools saw immediate increases in weapon- and drug-related offenses after SROs began working at such schools. These increases have multiple alternative interpretations. On the one hand, negative interpretations include the idea that SROs replace indirect social control with direct social control without making anyone safer. Another negative interpretation is that SROs create an atmosphere of distrust that reduces policy legitimacy and compliance with laws. On the other hand, it is also possible that student behavior does not change, at least initially, but the SROs increase the likelihood that the behavior will be reported.

These studies cannot differentiate between mechanisms, but Gottfredson et al. (2020) concluded on the basis of interviews with stakeholders that "the increase in school disciplinary offenses due to increased SRO staffing levels observed in our study is due in part to increased surveillance." This possibility is, at the very least, a caution about firm conclusions that the positive correlation between SROs and certain offenses, particularly weapon- and drug-related offenses, is evidence that SROs are not effective.

The Negative Consequences of SROs

We suspect that one reason that summary documents, such as McKenna and Petrosino's report to Congress, often conclude that SROs are not effective is because there is clear evidence that SROs can have negative effects on students through disciplinary actions like suspensions. The meta-analysis by Fisher et al. (2023) found consistently positive relationships between SROs and school disciplinary actions. Unlike the results for offending, these effects are relatively homogeneous across studies, showing consistently strong evidence that the presence of SROs leads to more disciplinary consequences for students.

These results hold even in the most rigorous recent studies. For example, Sorensen, Shen, and Bushway (2021) and Sorensen et al. (2023) found that SRO presence substantially increases law enforcement referrals for minor and serious offenses. The impact is largest for Black and Latino students. Sorensen et al. (2023) also found that SROs have an impact on school discipline levels. This is somewhat surprising because SROs do not have the ability to suspend or discipline students. However, it is possible that school administrators responded to the SROs' presence and threat of an arrest by increasing the use of suspensions. SROs' presence was associated with a 35- to 80-percent-higher-than-average rate of out-of-school suspensions, and a 25- to 90-percent-higher-than-average rate of expulsions. In addition, the presence of SROs had a disproportionate impact on some groups of students. SRO presence was associated with a 29.3-percent increase in in-school suspensions for male students. In addition, SROs had an impact on several outcomes for Black students. The authors found the following:

The largest effects of SROs on student out-of-school suspension occur for Black students at 5.20 additional suspensions per 100 students, students with disabilities at 5.84 additional suspensions per 100 students, and male students at 3.85 additional suspensions per 100 students. The additional number of Black students suspended due to an additional SRO is nearly double the additional number of White students suspended due to an additional SRO. For expulsion, the most serious school-assigned disciplinary consequence, the increase in number of students expelled resulting from an additional SRO is over 3 times the size for Black students (0.56 additional expulsions per 100 students) than the corresponding increase for White students (0.17 additional expulsions per 100 students). (Sorensen et al., 2023, p. 20)

Weisburst (2019) examined the impact of CIS grants on school discipline, high school graduation, and college enrollment rates, providing insight into the possible connection between SRO presence and long-term student outcomes. She used data from 2.5 million students in school districts across Texas.^[15] Using fixed-effects models, she found that CIS grants are associated with higher disciplinary rates, lower high school graduation rates, and lower college enrollment rates for students. Specifically, while CIS funding does not have a statistically significant impact on disciplinary rates for high school students, it is associated with a 6-percent annual increase in disciplinary rates for middle school students. Weisburst found that this increase is driven by "low-level offenses or school conduct code violations" (p. 338). She also found that, on average, three-year CIS grants are associated with a 2.5-percent decrease in high school graduation rates and a 4-percent decrease in four-year college enrollment rates. Although her findings are correlational rather than causal, they highlight the potential for disciplinary actions to have long-term educational consequences, at least for students in middle schools.

Summary and Conclusion

This paper has provided a brief discussion of the impact of SROs' presence in schools. Their presence has increased over the past several decades because proponents have argued that they play critical roles in deterring crime in schools. The presence of SROs may reduce some types of crime and increase the detection of weapons and drugs on campus. However, research has also shown that the presence of SROs inflicts costs on students. Students at schools with SROs are more likely to face disciplinary action by school administrations and more law enforcement contact in general. Black and Latino students may be particularly affected. Thus, SROs may play a role in the criminalization of student behavior, particularly for students of color. School disciplinary actions have been linked to several life outcomes, including high school graduation, college attendance, and contact with the criminal justice system as an adult.

Given the costs associated with SROs, it is worth asking whether alternatives are available that can reduce disruptive behavior in schools without the negative consequences associated with SROs. In addition, more research on the training and deployment of SROs could identify ways to maximize the potential benefits and minimize the potential costs (McKenna and Petrosino, 2022).

It is worth asking whether alternatives are available that can reduce disruptive behavior in schools without the negative consequences associated with SROs.

This latter strategy may be particularly important given the recent trends in the deployment of SROs. The murder of George Floyd led directly to the removal of SROs from a small number of school districts; however, subsequent acts of violence in schools have led to a reversal of these actions in some districts (Sawchuk, 2021). Viewed through a larger lens, this reversal makes some sense. Community policing has been identified as the preferred method for deploying police in the United States. SROs are very clearly practicing community policing, albeit in unique environments. The focus moving forward is unlikely to be on whether schools should continue to have SROs, but on how SROs should act in this unique environment. Fortunately, new research has shown that these questions can be explored productively using newly generated data from the federal government. Future research should focus more clearly on the mechanisms through which SROs reduce crime and increase disciplinary actions by school officials.

Abbreviations

CIS	COPS in Schools (grants administered by the Office of Community Oriented Policing)
COPS	Community Oriented Policing Services
K–12	kindergarten through grade 12
NCES	National Center for Education Statistics
SBLE	school-based law enforcement
SRO	school resource officer

Notes

Security staff include SROs, sworn law enforcement officers who are not SROs, and security guards and personnel who are not law enforcement officers.Return to content ⤴
The COPS Hiring Program distributed $224.5 million in funding for fiscal year 2023. Eligible parties include state, local, tribal, and territorial law enforcement agencies.Return to content ⤴
Data show that during the 2019–2020 school year, SROs were present in 54.6 percent of elementary schools, 81.5 percent of middle schools, and 84.4 percent of high schools.Return to content ⤴
The 2019 Survey of Law Enforcement Personnel in Schools included 2,026 law enforcement agencies. These included local law enforcement agencies, sheriff's offices, and school-based police agencies across the United States.Return to content ⤴
The exact mechanism by which this occurs is unclear because SROs do not have the ability to suspend or expel students; that power resides solely in the hands of school administrators.Return to content ⤴
Project Implicit is a "a non-profit organization and international, collaborative network of researchers investigating implicit social cognition, or thoughts and feelings that are largely outside of conscious awareness and control" (Project Implicit, undated). Project Implicit's website provides publicly accessible implicit bias tests that have been taken 25.8 million times by users from all backgrounds, ages, and geographic locations. One such study combines "regionally coded implicit and explicit racial bias measures from approximately 1.6 million respondents who visited Project Implicit with the most recent available data from the Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC) conducted by the US Department of Education, a mandated census of disciplinary action in all US public kindergarten through grade 12 schools" (Riddle and Sinclair, 2019, p. 8256).Return to content ⤴
The study included 57 women who were K–12 teachers (38 White, two Black, one Asian, and 16 race unknown). For the first experiment, participants were asked to examine fictitious student records (drawn from actual records of middle school students). Student records were assigned stereotypically Black and White names, and teachers were asked to examine students' records of such infractions as class disturbance and insubordination and then rate the severity of the student's behavior on a 1–7 scale. Teachers were also asked to rate how "irritated" they felt by the student's behavior and "how severely" the student should be disciplined. Finally, participants were asked how likely they were to describe the student as a "troublemaker" on a scale of 1–5. For the second experiment, the researchers examined "the extent to which teachers thought the infractions were indicative of a pattern."Return to content ⤴
This analysis primarily focused on students who were in 6th through 8th grade during the 2002–2003 school year.Return to content ⤴
SROs hired through the federal COPS program must complete the 40-hour training course run by the National Association of School Resource Officers.Return to content ⤴
SBLEs are officers who are employed by a local school district. They are different from SROs, who may be employed by local law enforcement offices outside the school district but assigned to work in schools (McKenna, Martinez-Prather, and Bowman, 2016).Return to content ⤴
The authors used several variables to define social and educational disadvantage, including the percentage of students who are likely to attend college, the percentage of students who score below the 15th percentile on standardized tests, and a scale measuring the amount of crime in the area in which the school is located.Return to content ⤴
The authors' sample included teachers from elementary, middle, and high schools. The majority of teachers (92.9 percent) taught at public schools, but the sample also included private school teachers (4.7 percent), charter school teachers (1.4 percent), alternative school teachers (0.7 percent), and teachers at "other" schools (0.4 percent).Return to content ⤴
Findings were part of a general survey on students' perceptions of SROs and school safety. Respondents were asked questions about "perceptions of school safety and police in general," "school violence that they have experienced during the school year," "school violence that they have witnessed during the school year," "contact with the SRO at their school," and "feelings about the SRO" at their school. For this study, the author focused on several questions. The first was how many interactions students reported having with SROs during the school year: one or two times, three or four times, and five or more interactions. In addition, the author created a scale that scored students' feelings about SROs from 10 to 50 and a scale that scored students' level of school connectedness from 10 to 50.Return to content ⤴
This analysis combines data from several sources. In addition to data on CIS grants, the author draws from the Uniform Crime Reports Law Enforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted data, Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics data, the NCES School Survey on Crime and Safety, National Incident-Based Reporting System data, and NCES Common Core of Data.Return to content ⤴
Data include a short-term and long-term sample of students. The short-term sample includes "over 16 million student-years between 1999 and 2008 for students in the 7th through 12th grades." The long-term sample includes "2.5 million students in cohorts entering the 7th grade between 1999 and 2006" (Weisburst, 2019, p. 348).Return to content ⤴

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View the Full Project Bibliography

The Role and Impact of School Resource Officers

School Resource Officers in U.S. Schools

History of SROs

Presence of SROs Today

Table 1. Characteristics of Schools with Security Staff Present at Least One Day a Week, 2019–2020 School Year

Views About SROs

Table 2. Racial Disparities in School Discipline for K–12 Public School Students, 2017–2018 School Year

Table 3. Nonfatal Crimes in Schools 1992, 2002, 2012, and 2022, Victimization Rate per 1,000 Students

What Do Data Show About the Impact of School Resource Officers?

Table 4. School-Associated Violent Deaths of Youth Ages 5–18

The Role of SROs

School Resource Officers, School Safety, Discipline, and Disproportionate Minority Contact

Perceptions of School Safety

School Safety

The Negative Consequences of SROs

Summary and Conclusion

Abbreviations

Notes

References

Featured Researchers

Jessica Welburn Paige

Shawn D. Bushway

Explore Related Content

Do State Firearm Laws Affect Racial and Ethnic Groups Differently?

Methodological Challenges for Research on Racial Bias in Police Shootings

RAND Headquarters

Policies Regulating Who May Legally Own, Purchase, or Possess Firearms

Policies Regulating Firearm Sales and Transfers

Policies Regulating the Legal Use, Storage, or Carrying of Firearms

The Role and Impact of School Resource Officers

School Resource Officers in U.S. Schools

History of SROs

Presence of SROs Today

Table 1. Characteristics of Schools with Security Staff Present at Least One Day a Week, 2019–2020 School Year

Views About SROs

Table 2. Racial Disparities in School Discipline for K–12 Public School Students, 2017–2018 School Year

Table 3. Nonfatal Crimes in Schools 1992, 2002, 2012, and 2022, Victimization Rate per 1,000 Students

What Do Data Show About the Impact of School Resource Officers?

Table 4. School-Associated Violent Deaths of Youth Ages 5–18

The Role of SROs

School Resource Officers, School Safety, Discipline, and Disproportionate Minority Contact

Perceptions of School Safety

School Safety

The Negative Consequences of SROs

Summary and Conclusion

Abbreviations

Notes

References

Featured Researchers

Jessica Welburn Paige

Shawn D. Bushway

Explore Related Content

Do State Firearm Laws Affect Racial and Ethnic Groups Differently?

Methodological Challenges for Research on Racial Bias in Police Shootings